Archive for category National Politics

Coast to Coast to Taxes

Ben DeGrow follows up on a John Fund piece in the Wall Street Journal last week, discussing a couple of ballot initiatives in Maine and Washington State.  The closely mirror our own Taxpayer Bill of Rights, which limits budget growth to inflation + population growth.  Ben sees these as almost more of a bellwether than the NY-23, and New Jersey & Virginia governor’s races.  The referenda, I-1033 in Washington and Ballot Question #4 in Maine, however, both appear to be going down to defeat, in large part because of massive spending by the opposition.

In Washington, opponents have dumped $3 million into the race in the last month, moving I-1033 from 13 points up to 12 points down in SurveyUSA polls.  This despite significant differences between Colorado’s Taxpayer Bill of Rights and I-1033, detailed by sponsor Tim Eyman:

Colorado’s TABOR is a constitutional amendment — it couldn’t be amended by the Legislature; I-1033, like I-601, is a law, providing the Legislature with flexibility to change it. TABOR encompassed every government – school districts, library districts, fire districts, ports, public utility districts, etc. I-1033 focuses only on the state, counties and cities. TABOR put a limit on every governmental account and every tax dollar received, including transportation funds, pension funds, capital budgets, workman’s compensation, unemployment insurance funds, federal funds, etc. I-1033, like I-601, only addresses the general fund, the account that state, counties, and cities have the most trouble showing fiscal discipline with. TABOR didn’t allow rainy day funds. I-1033, like I-601, gives ‘first bite’ of excess tax revenues to the rainy day fund. TABOR didn’t exclude federal funds; I-1033 explicitly does. TABOR prohibited governments from borrowing money except with voter approval; I-1033, like I-601, has nothing like that. TABOR required voter approval for any tax and fee increase by any government; I-1033, like I-601, doesn’t.

Despite all these difference, the SEIU, the education establishment, and other big-government groups still can’t swallow limits on government growth, and asking the people first before taking more of their money.  Has Washington passed the tipping point where the patronage groups have enough money to defeat any efforts to limit them?  According to the resident lefties, and the Seattle P-I, Eyman’s initiatives have tended to poll worse than they perform on election day.  Probably the Bradley effect.  So there’s still some hope the thing will pass.

Maine is another story.  There, as Ben points out, a similar prop failed a couple of years ago, and now they’re back again with another try.  Polling also has this one down, and for much the same reason.  The opponents have outspent supporters 10-1.

These two point out a reason that ballot initiatives are different from elections.  Ballot initiatives tend to be narrow, elections are about broad coalitions.  For that reason alone, ballot initiatives tend to attract more one-sided money.  So there’s a dual effect here.  More money on a narrower issue almost certainly means more volatility.

As a test of Obama’s staying power, I still like elections better than referendums.

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Mark Udall and J Street

View From a Height has learned from a very reliable source that as of now, Sen. Mark Udall will not be removing his name from J Street’s Dinner host committee.  His reasoning is as follows:

  1. Udall is reluctant to bring more attention to the controversy by removing his name
  2. Sen Udall will not attend the dinner, nor endorse or support J Street as an organization
  3. Udall doesn’t want to embarrass General Jones
  4. The press covering the issue seems interested in embarrassing the administration

My reactions:

  1. This is about as weasily as it gets.  By staying on the host committee, he leaves open the option of endorsing them in the future if it’s worthwhile, if indeed being on the host committee isn’t already in effect an endorsement.  Staying on it certainly supports J Street as an organization.
  2. The administration’s sending Jones has accomplished its goal of stopping the bleeding.
  3. What press inquiries can he be referring to?  The coverage has been on Powerline, the Weekly Standard blog, and the Commentary Magazine blog, Contentions.  The Washington Post finally has a piece on it in tomorrow’s paper, but the MSM appears to be several weeks behind the curve, as usual, but is unlikely to be seeking to embarrass the administration.
  4. If the administration hadn’t sent Jones and invited J Street to host its conference call, while excluding the WZO, it wouldn’t be embarassed.
  5. Adding more attention?  If there already are press inquiries, then the attention’s already there.  If there aren’t, then he ought to be able to slip out un-noticed.  One would think that with the WaPo finally picking up on the controversy, Senator Udall may be overstating his national importance, a truly bipartisan condition not unknown to senators.
  6. Senator Udall was one of 76 (or 71, accounts differ) Senators who did sign a letter back in August urging the administration to back off its pressure on Israel for a settlement freeze.  This suggests that, like a number of those listed on the host committee, he was placed there by staff who didn’t examine J Street’s positions very carefully.
  7. Unlike most of the other mainstream Jewish organizations, including AIPAC, J Street has an explicit and unapologetically partisan domestic political agenda, tied to a PAC.  It is banking on enough liberal Jews being seduced by its heroic (in their eyes) liberalism that they are willing to marry themselves to that agenda, while overlooking or excusing its harmful positions vis-a-vis Israel.
  8. It is also banking on liberal Jews’ unwillingness to defer to Israel on matters of its national security, while more hawkish American Jews have generally done so for dovish Israeli governments.  Here it’s important to recall that J Street is an American political organization, not an Israeli one, whose job it is to lobby the American government.  It’s one thing to argue that dovish policies are wrong, another to argue that a dovish American administration should actively undermine a determined Israeli government
  9. So J Street’s goal is threefold.  It aims to promote the left-wing agenda domestically, weaken American’s support for Israel, and divide the Jewish c8mmunity in America in order to do so.

J Street’s donation to the state party is an emblem of its alliance with ProgressNow and the far left-wing of the Democratic party. Just as  ProgressNow began small, and built into a major force in the state, J Street will try to do the same.  People who judge their eventual effectiveness in legitimizing their views about Israel by their current size are underestimating them.

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J Street and the Colorado Delegation

The following is the text of a Letter to the Editor that I wrote, and that the Intermountain Jewish News published today (not available online):

Over the past several decades, both the Democratic and Republican parties have prided themselves on their support for Israel.  Now, a group that calls itself – a little too loudly – “pro-Israel” threatens the liberal Democratic wing of that support.  And some Colorado legislators appear to be taken in.

J Street is holding its first national conference in DC next week, and is hosting its annual banquet on October 27.  Four Democratic Colorado Congressmen and Senator Mark Udall are on the host committee.

Founded in 2007, J Street poses as a “pro-Israel, pro-Peace” lobby, founded specifically to provide an alternative to what it calls the “right-wing dominated” AIPAC.  (AIPAC defers to the citizens of Israel in foreign policy, and is certainly not right-wing.  Its former president, Steve Grossman, chaired Howard Dean’s Presidential campaign.

By contrast, J Street has adopted a comprehensive platform of appeasement.  It accepts Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons.  It equates Israel’s Operation Cast Lead and Hamas’s terror rockets.  It supports the division of Jerusalem.  None of these positions draws even a plurality of American Jews.  Collectively, only a small minority approves.

Until a last-minute cancellation, J Street had scheduled to appear a “street poet” who had compared Guantanamo to Auschwitz, and had accused Israelis of tattooing numbers on the arms of Gazan children.  Slightly less repugnant is J Street Advisory Board member Henry Siegman’s insidious comparison of Israel to apartheid South Africa.

No wonder that board members of NIAC, lobbyists for Saudi Arabia, and PR flacks for campus anti-Israel campaigns have contributed upwards of tens of thousands of dollars to support J Street’s agenda.

So suspect is J Street that Israel’s Ambassador to the US, Michael Oren, turned down an offer to lend his credibility to the group by appearing, noting that “certain policies of the organization may impair the interests of Israel.”  What other “pro-Israel” group would he refuse to address on that basis?

J Street’s ultimate agenda is to buy acceptance to the liberal wing of the Democratic Party through its PAC, and then use that credibility to mainstream certain destructive policy positions.  At the same time, Jewish liberals will be less likely to question a solidly liberal lobbying group.

Both would do well to steer clear.  J Street represents only a small minority of American Jews, and American Jews have many other options for helping to elect liberal Democrats to office.

In the last week, over a dozen Congressional members of the dinner’s Host Committee have removed their names from the list.  Neither Republican representative, nor Senator Michael Bennet, appears ever to have been on the list, and Rep. John Salazar (CD-3) has withdrawn.

This leaves Representatives Diana DeGette, Jared Polis, Betsy Markey, Ed Perlmutter, and Senator Mark Udall.  I personally believe that their presence is in response to J Street PAC’s $1000 contribution in 2008 to the Colorado Democratic Party, and that they signed up believing that they were attending a function at a mainstream, pro-Israel, Jewish organization.  They, too, should withdraw.

Israel cannot become a partisan issue; too much would then hinge on American electoral politics.  Colorado Democrats should step back from this attempt to seduce them away from their principles.

I would also point out that the State Democratic Party was the only state party to receive any money from J Street during the 2008 cycle.  Those familiar with the Colorado Model and the genesis of J Street may be able to figure out why.

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Scozzafava Should Withdraw

By now, it should be clear that Dede Scozzafava cannot win in NY Congressional District 23 (NY-23).  It’s a fairly conservative district, with a history of voting Republican, so there’s no need to run someone just to show the party colors.

With a viable alternative still in the race, and gaining rapidly, Mrs. Scozzafava should put personal ambition aside – for the moment – and withdraw from the race.

Some may want to draw comparisons to what’s happened here, but the comparison doesn’t bear weight.  Colorado has seen its share of bigfooting by out-of-state interests, and not just on the Republican side.  But all of the candidates touted by arms of the national party are at least credible conservatives, who have a chance to earn the nomination in a fair fight, and who poll well against their opposition.  They may be exposed as ineffective campaigners once the race begins, but nobody’s going to confuse them with their Democrat opponents.

Scozzafava was appointed in the run-off because she had long service with the party and good connections.  These are not to be taken lightly, and many people who pay their dues, serving the party and its candidates faithfully, do so with the expectation that they’ll be given consideration when it’s “their turn.”  While that sort of thinking on the national level has given us Bob Dole and John McCain, it’s also the basis for a cohesive party structure.

But it’s also not enough.  As Mark Steyn put it in the Corner, the local Republican Party moguls chose to abandon the two-party system, and give the voters a choice between Dem and Demmer.  It’s an imitation of the sclerotic European party system, where the two main parties are indistinguishable, and in any case, the government is run by the bureaucracy.  The race stands as an example of the abandonment of principle by party powers-that-be who are more concerned about the final score than what that score is supposed to represent.

The Party Elders who put Mrs. Scozzafava in this position will never publicly ask her to step down.  At this point, they have too much of their own credibility at stake, and they absolutely had to know who they were nominating.  Caught between a rock of an unprincipled choice and the hard place of a disgruntled grass roots, no outcome there – short of an increasingly unlikely victory – will be a happy one for them.

Mrs. Scozzafava would be doing them, the party, and ultimately the county, a service by stepping aside.  At this point, who she throws her support behind probably doesn’t much matter.

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What Do Freddie & Fannie Have that Sallie Doesn’t?

The same thing that a public option in health insurance would have: the ability to run off the competition.

Yesterday, you may have heard, the House voted to cut off funding for Acorn, with all of the opposition coming from 75 Democrats.  Typically, the minority – the Republicans, for the moment – will try to tack something truly poisonous to the majority on a bill that the majority – for the moment, the Democrats – just can’t refuse.

In this case, it was the final gasp knee on the ventilator tube of the independent student loan market.  The story combines the worst elements of the government part of the mortgage mess with the scariest elements of the proposed insurance mess.  Way back, bankers and independent lenders didn’t see students as such good credit risks.  (They still don’t, which is why they tend to loan to them at 18% interest on credit cards.)  So the government decided to step in and offer subsidized loans for education.  Over time, the banks who made the federal money available were subject to more and more restrictions, until they became, to all intents and purposes, a utility of the federal government when it came to student loans.  So much so that they could be portrayed – sadly, with some justification – as rent-seekers offering no value added:

“This bill will end the billions upon billions of dollars in unwarranted subsidies that we hand out to banks and financial institutions, and will use that money to guarantee access to low-cost loans,” Obama said in a statement.

The unwarranted subsidies to bad credit risks and liberal universities naturally go unmentioned, those being virtuous in nature.

Now, in a student-loan version of the Community Reinvestment Act, the government will spread that virtue around:

The Obama administration would use anticipated savings from the measure to increase grants for low-income students, boost funding for minority student groups, provide money for school construction, with a small portion left over to pay down the deficit.

The news has driven Sallie Mae’s credit rating down to a BBB-, and its stock price down accordingly.  This is exactly the path that a public option in health insurance would take.  The public (heh) has roundly rejected that idea as pretty terrible.  It was terrible with mortgages (85% of which are now backed by the government), it would be terrible in health insurance.  Why is it any better with student loan debt, which is also some of the worst debt in the world to owe?

I understand the Republicans’ desire to get the Democrats to vote on ACORN.  With any bills likely to be bottled up in committee forever, a floor amendment to one of the few bills the Democrats were permitted amendment to was the logical path to take.  Ironically, it may also focus attention on just how bad a bill that is.

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Jones Resigns Over What?

Powerline nicely summarizes the problems with (now former) Obama Administration official Van Jones:

Who do they have in the White House? A self-proclaimed Communist. A vulgar Marxist twice over. A supporter of cold-blooded cop killer Mumia Abu Jamal. A 9/11 Truther . A racist hater, whose hatred extends to the United States. And insofar as his current job is concerned, we have a man who sees the “green jobs” con as a tool for overthrowing capitalism. We have, in short, the complete left-wing nightmare package.

So naturally, the Denver Post hasn’t yet printed a word about the (now former) Green Jobs Czar.  The Washington Post and New York Times, would-be papers of record, finally got around to covering  the controversy just in time for Jones to resign.  As with the Eason Jordan affair, readers’ could be forgiven for not knowing that there even was a problem, right up until the moment that the (nor former) advisor resigned.

Of course, those outlets that are now covering the resignation are basically whitewashing the problems with Jones.  Here’s the AP, as carried by the Washington Post:

Jones, an administration official specializing in environmentally friendly “green jobs” with the White House Council on Environmental Quality was linked to efforts suggesting a government role in the 2001 terror attacks and to derogatory comments about Republicans.

“Derogatory comments” is one way of putting it.  Calling them “a**holes” is another.  Jones wasn’t just “linked to” efforts (note the passive voice).  He actively linked himself to them by signing an online truther petition.  ABC News’s Todd Connor is even more circumspect (audio not available online):

Van Jones decided to leave in light of recent questions surrounding a racially tinged speech and a petition he signed which questioned the official version of the 9/11 attacks.

Plenty of speeches are “racially tinged.”  Few rise to this level of American self-hatred:

The American way, manufactuered by these white folks in office. By these rich men here to mock us. The United States is a stolen land led by right-wing, war hungry, oil thirsty. And when it’s all said and done they still can’t clean their own place because they got people of color playing servant to do that sh*t for them… The true terrorists are made in the US, in this police state… The US is a crack-fiend for oil. And they’re ready to rape, kill, assault, rob anybody and everybody

And plenty of people have questioned the official version of 9/11.  I’ve noted that having Jamie Gorelick sit in judgment on the 9/11 Commission was pretty close to the ultimate fox-guarding-the-henhouse moment.  That’s a little different from asking whether “high-level government officials may have deliberately allowed the attacks to occur.”

Again, readers may be forgiven for wondering what all the fuss is about.

In fact, Obama has merely victimized himself here, by a (now former) Tsar System that end-runs around Congressional vetting, and has been victimized by a press corps sleeping-walking through life.  The two are not unrelated.

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Rangel Should Go

In case you’ve been too busy watching Obamacare implode like the latter stages of a supernova, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charlie Rangel has a little integrity problem.  He has a problem reporting his income and assets – and thus his tax liability.  He’s had to file amended disclosures on a number of occasions, with excuses that would have gotten you or me a trip to the slammer with a detour through bankruptcy court.  He has a problem remembering which house he’s living in.  He has a problem taking free vacations from cronies.  He has no problem taking taxpayer-funded trips to the Caribbean.  All of which has earned him what must be a record for Ethics Committee investigations into a sitting chairman.  Despite which, the Democrat leadership re-appointed him to the chairmanship.

This is all from the guy who’s responsible for writing – although if he’s anything like the rest of his fellow committee chairmen, not reading – changes to the tax law.  It’s not original to point out that there’s apparently one set of rules for you and me, and another set of rules for the people who write them.

It’s time for Charles Rangel to go, and at least until January 2011, it’s up to his fellow Democrats to do it.  There is a process for removing errant committee chairmen.  Each party caucus has a committee whose job it is to recommend to the entire caucus committee assignments and chairmanships.  The Democrats’ is called the “Steering and Policy Committee,” although in their case, it appears that the policy is to let the steering take care of itself, with predictable results for the guardrails.

Our own Rep. DeGette, as a Chief Deputy Whip, is a member of this committee.  How did she vote on Rangel’s re-appointment, and when will she move to undo that mistake?

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