Archive for category Colorado Politics

The Role of Parties (Tea and Not) and Chairmen

So, I’ve finished winding down the campaign, collecting all the signs I could still find, sending out thank-yous to volunteers and contributors, and wrapping up the accounting.  Time for a few thoughts on where were are and where we go.

First, on a national level, it’s heartening to see the Tea Party caucus standing firm on substantive issues so far.  I think everyone is realistic about what a Republican House, in the absence of the Senate or the Presidency, can actually accomplish.  It can block, and it can force the Senate Democrats to take deeply unpopular votes, in effect making them take legislative bullets for the White House.  Or not.  A series of simple, punchy, one-subject bills should do the trick.  They can also defund Obamacare, investigate the White House’s abuses of power in the Black Panther case and Gerald Walpin’s firing.  People don’t really expect them to do much more than that, and it appears that both the Tea Parties and the electorate at large are mature enough to understand this.

If the establishment Republicans (I’m lookin’ at you, Lindsay Graham) persist in defending a business-as-usual approach, this thing has the potential to turn into the French Revolution. If we follow Michael Barone’s comparison of the Tea Parties to the New Left of the late 1960s, with the entry of a large number of activists into one party’s politics, increasingly lofty heads will roll, handing governance over to the opposition for a long, long time.  If, as it seems can happen in Colorado, the Red Queen-type voices are marginalized while the Tea Party learns to play the general election game a little better, there’s considerable hope.  Look for the ProgressNow-types to try to find the wedge issues to undermine that comity.

Which brings us to a discussion of new Republican Party leadership.  For the purposes of discussion, let’s assume that Dick Wadhams decides to move on.  I’m not going to use this spot to defend or attack Dick.  His performance was what it was, and I’d rather focus on the role of the party in modern electoral politics, and more specifically the role that party chairmen – at all levels – play.

It used to be that the Party Chairman was the biggest of bosses, the guy in the smoke-filled room with the biggest cigar.  Not anymore.  Not since the campaign finance changes essentially knee-capped the parties, creating the era of the 527 and the candidate.  The party simply cannot brand itself any more through spending, it can only do so through the candidates that it chooses as its standard-bearers.  What made “Democrat” cool in 2008 wasn’t any spending by the party, or even by the 527s, but Obama.

It’s also true that, in Denver at least, we have probably maxed out what we can get through sheer hard work.  We’ll still have to work as hard, but we’ll have to start thinking strategically about how to engage more people, expand our base, and our influence.

Candidates aside, the party needs chairmen who understand that aside from the organizing of the regular party activities – districts, Lincoln Day Dinners, candidate recruiting and vetting, and so on – their role is to help coordinate friendly groups, and help reach out to unaffiliated voters who can be on our side.  We need to do this strategically, not merely jumping off on whatever seems like a good idea.  While the term “social networking” is just a little over-used, I believe that the Left has been using that far more effectively to identify, mobilize, and treat friendly unaffiliated voters as a normal part of the process.  We can do that, too.

Ultimately, the goal of these groups is to see certain policies implemented, and in order to do that, we’ll need to elect Republicans, or at least, defeat Democrats.  (I’m not going to engage in speculation about the ultimate demise of the Republican party.  Take that to another post.)  That means that the Republican party will continue to play a central role in partisan politics.  And it means that the party chairman’s role, while infinitely more complex in balancing groups and getting them to play well together, is no less central to the success of the ideals we all care about.

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Surprise Poll in CD-1

A new poll has come to light, showing Republican Mike Fallon trailing longtime paperweight Representative Diana DeGette by only 10 points, with DeGette unable to break 50%.  The telephone poll of 700 likely voters has DeGette at 44%, Fallon at 34%, and the undecideds at 22.5%.  The poll was conducted by ccAdvertising, one of the larger national Republican polling firms, and has a margin of error of 3%.

A couple of things to note.  First, as mentioned above, DeGette is under 50% in a district she’s held for, well, forever.  The pollsters did adjust for expected voter turnout, using a fairly complex model.  I have no idea how their track record for accuracy compares to, say, Rasmussen.

I also note that the sample appears to over-weight Republicans considerably, with the D-R-U breakdown coming in at 40-31-28.  The actual voter registration in Denver is about 50-20-30.  That said, the party breakdown is a result of voter self-identification.  The pollsters apparently called in the prevailing proportions, but about 10 percentage points’ worth of Democrats refused to identify themselves as Dems, calling themselves Republicans or unaffiliated instead.  How to treat party identification is an unresolved problem in poll methodology, but in this case, the pollsters are also trying to account for expected turnout, and probably used self-identification as a response rather than a demographic.

Again, assuming the pollsters called representative proportions of likely voters, 48% of those responding favor repealing Obamacare, while 52% oppose.  This is more favorably disposed to Obamacare than the national average, but indicates a high level of dissatisfaction with the law even in a heavily Democrat area like Denver, and is no doubt contributing to Fallon’s support.  Mike’s an ER doctor, and has made actual health care reform a keystone of his campaign.

Does this mean that the race is winnable?  That last 10 points is going to be awfully hard to make up, but the pollsters look at that 22% undecided as a gold mine of potential votes.  After 18 years, DeGette’s a known quantity, and she probably can’t say much about herself that will move the needle in her direction.  More Republicans are undecided than Dems, indicating, perhaps, that they still haven’t heard much about Mike. And over 45% of Unaffiliated voters are undecided.  Of those unaffiliated voters, though, many are probably Dems no longer willing to call themselves Dems to pollsters, who are still probably inclined to vote Democrat.  ccAdvertising thinks that the undecideds could well break 9-1 for Mike.  While I think that’s an extraordinarily optimistic projection, in reality, they’d only have to break a little better than 5-2 for him to actually win the seat, assuming that the partisan breakdown is correct.

All in all, this has got to be good news for Fallon; I just wish it had come a month ago.

UPDATE: Welcome NRO readers!  When you’re done, feel free to go over to my own campaign website, at SharfColorado.

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Public Pensions, Public Purse

On the campaign trail, I’ve spoken to any number of public employees and retirees who are worried about PERA, understand the problems, and who recognize the system needs to be changed.  Some retirees are even willing to take cuts themselves, although I think asking them to do so would be a breach of faith.  Employees and even reitrees are clearly more flexible on this issue than their unions are.  To his credit, Mayor Hickenlooper has proposed changes to Denver’s pensions to try to make it more solvent:

For future employees only, the proposal would increase the minimum retirement age from 55 to 60, further decrease the pensions of those who retire early and increase the time required for vesting from five years to seven years….

This year, city workers had to contribute an extra 2 percent of their paychecks to offset losses in the pension fund’s investments…
The most recent analysis shows the pension plan ended December 2009 with 88.4 percent of its obligations funded, better than many other public pension plans, including the one for state workers.

Now, an 88.4% funded status is excellent, especially given the status of other public pensions.  It speaks well of the conservative management of plan assets, although it’s worth noting that Denver may be using the expected return as the discount rate, rather than the level of obligation, which would overstate the plan’s funded status.  (Full disclosure: I’m friends with Steve Hutt, who attends my synagogue, and haven’t had a chance to ask him what discount rate the plan uses.)

Nevertheless, defined benefit plans will almost always encounter, over their lifetimes, a rough patch rough enough to make them insolvent without greater contributions.  The Mayor’s efforts are better than doing nothing, but will face opposition in the City Council from unions, and don’t address the fundamental problem of making promises the city can’t keep.

This is important, because dealing with PERA will be an important job of the next governor and legislature.  According to Business Insider, Colorado’s pension fund is only 12 years away from actual insolvency, 8th-worst in the country.  Unless we deal with this, by getting obligations to current and imminent retirees fully funded, and then converting to a defined contribution plan for new and younger state employees, we will end up bankrupting the state.  Pension obligations – backed by unions whose greed is not representative of their members – will eat us alive, leaving almost nothing for actual services and functions.

I’m not sure that John Hickenlooper is willing to make that decision, but I am certain that the current legislative majority isn’t.  We need to elect one that is.

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Support Amendment 63

Contrary to the headline in this week’s Intermountain Jewish News, I support Amendment 63.  Here’s the full text of the letter to the editor, which Hillel Goldberg was kind enough to print:


Last week, the Jewish Community Relations Council voted note to take a position on Amendment 63.  While that was the correct decision, as voters, we should strongly support Amendment 63, the Right to Health Care Choice initiative.

Amendment 63 does two things: it keeps the state of Colorado from enforcing any state or federal health insurance mandate, and it ensures that Coloradans will always be able to spend their own money on their own health care, unless they voluntarily enter a program that prevents it.  These are protections of fundamental rights that we have as human beings.

Member organizations indicated that they knew of beneficiaries of their services who might not be able to obtain insurance, or had undergone serious financial hardship from medical expense.  Their conclusion is that the best solution to this problem is Obamacare.

In fact, the law’s benefits will prove illusory.  Both organizations explicitly said that the benefits depend on the mandate.  Implicit is that Obamacare isn’t insurance, it’s a direct transfer of wealth.

We can easily point to those who benefit; it’s much harder to point to those individuals who will bear the cost – young workers and families who are just starting out, but who will be forced to pay for benefits that they will not receive.  It’s a shame they have no advocate on the Council.

Instead of forcing young workers and families to transfer what should be their house, education, or retirement savings to the government, we should make their insurance more affordable by removing unused, expensive mandates that price them out of the market in the first place.

It has been claimed that Obamacare will save $1 trillion.  This double-counts $500 billion taken from Medicare, re-spending it, and classifying it as savings.  It includes 6 years of benefits for 10 years of revenue, and assumes Congress will cease an annual Medicare adjustment – the “doc fix” – that everyone expects will continue unabated.  After 10 years, it will add to our already gargantuan $100 trillion of unfunded liabilities.  No one reading (or writing) this piece truly comprehends that number.  But we’ll have to pay it.

Instead of strengthening our system, the law’s deleterious effects are already being felt.  Insurers are raising rates in anticipation of greater obligations.  Insurers are dropping child-only coverage.  Low-cost insurance policies for college students are endangered.  Employers are shifting costs to those who still have jobs, who will pay with after-tax dollars.  It will likely cost small insurance companies and brokers their businesses.  The IRS has asked to hire 17,000 new employees to enforce the provisions, a deadweight loss of billions to the economy.

While the effects of the current system on those organization’s members are real, by focusing on those needs as an excuse to oppose Amendment 63, the member organizations assume that the only, or even the best, way to address those needs is the current legislation.  Instead, we should encourage innovation and implement incentives for health care consumers to spend their dollars wisely, lowering costs for all.

There is good reason that the JCRC did not take a position.  It generally doesn’t take on these sorts of issues, preferring to conserve its voice for issues of distinctive importance to the Jewish community.  Supporting Obamacare would have placed the JCRC at odds with the 60% of Americans who want the thing repealed outright.  Instead of building bridges, it’s likely to isolate us, dilute our voice, and prevent us from being effective in the future.

Earlier this year, voters in Missouri approved a similar measure by a whopping 71% – 29%.  Voters in Arizona and Oklahome will likely also approve similar measures in a few weeks.  Democrats in 5 other state legislatures have blocked measures from their states’ ballots this fall, but count on them to be re-introduced this coming year.

Coloradans should seize the chance to protect our own health care choices, and continue the efforts to find sensible fixes to our troubled health care system.

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Representing Our District

One of the frustrations in any local campaign is the limited opportunity to appear on the same stage as your opponent. Such appearances help to draw clear contrasts between the candidates, and if conducted well, and great opportunities for the voters to understand the choices in front of them.

We had one of those rare chances yesterday at Windsor Gardens Political Day. I’ll post the video of the whole thing later today, but what struck me most was my opponent’s claim that she votes how her constituents would vote on a given issue. In fact, her priorities seem to be far more arcane and abstruse than the concerns I’ve heard people talking about, and had she held more than three town hall meetings in the last two years, Rep. Court might have known that. When I knock on people’s doors, we talk about the budget, the economy, jobs, and education. Rep. Court’s priorities are public financing of campaigns.

It’s also telling that she touted not her infrequent town halls, but her equally infrequent Civics for Citizens lectures. While a more educated electorate is in everyone’s interest, a town hall implies listening, whereas in a lecture, the communication is from the lectern to the audience. Nobody of any political persuasion wants a representative who decides how to vote by putting a finger up to the wind, but still less do they want who who tries to divine what they would do on important issues without the benefit of meeting with them.

It’s one of the reasons I’ve spent so much time knocking on doors this election year, and the reason that I’ll continue to do so even after I’m elected. And it’s the main reason that I’ve committed to bi-weekly town halls during the legislative session. It’s something that many of Lois’s colleagues do, and it’s really the least that we owe the voters who elected us.

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“I Am the Republican Party”


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HD-6 Press Coverage

The Glendale Cherry Creek Chronicle‘s distribution area pretty much mirrors HD-6, so it’s not entirely surprising that they gave some coverage to the race in their most recent issue. You can see the article here, but why not go out and pick up a copy of the entire paper?

To whet your appetite, here’s the ad we ran in the paper:


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House Republicans’ Platform – Economy

Unlike the Jobs plank, which is focused on directly creating jobs, the Economy plank recognizes that in the long run (and even in the short-run), the best way to create jobs is to revitalize the economy as a whole.  The private sector creates jobs, so let’s make it easier for markets to operate.  Here’s how:

  • Incentivize large-scale business investment in manufacturing, aerospace and other high-wage sectors by phasing out the Business Personal Property Tax.

This is, perhaps, the worst tax we have in the state, among the most destructive, and phasing it out – now, when the projected deficit is manageable – will let the economy grow to help fill the gaps in the out years.  If the economy doesn’t grow, extracting more money from it for government isn’t going to be possible, anyway.

  • Improve the state commitment to biotechnology and biosciences by building on a 2008 package that provided some $26 million assistance for Colorado start-up companies24 and research institutions seeking to commercialize new technology.

Yes, we saw this before, under Jobs.  But it’s worth repeating: research doesn’t do any good unless it’s commercialized, and when it is, it helps bring down costs, save lives, and raise our standard of living, as well as provide the sorts of jobs that a well-educated state like Colorado, and a well-educated district like HD-6 can take advantage of.

  • Revisit and revise the new oil and gas regulations that have contributed to a steeper decline for the natural gas industry in Colorado than in nearby states.
  • Review Colorado’s regulatory environment, and support sensible expansion of Colorado’s coal production.

Not only does this take away direct jobs, it also derails indirect job creation.  The legislature slapped a new, 2.9% tax on energy for industrial purposes, something that had never existed in the history of Colorado sales taxes.  That tax will take an average of $2000 out of the pockets of employees in a Pueblo steel mill with a profit-sharing plan, according to the Denver Post. We have abundant energy resources here in the state, let’s make the best, environmentally-friendly use of them.

  • Prioritize infrastructure investment which coordinates government and free enterprise initiatives to ensure a cutting edge multi-model transportation system — an essential component to a thriving economy.

OK, this is a little wordy.  But infrastructure matters.  I’m not a big fan of big, shiny, inflexible, expensive, and usually empty, commuter rail systems.  But if we want to find a way to make commuter rail work, like it does with the Virginia Rail Express and the MARC trains around DC, let’s at least see if the tracks exist and some company is willing to bring in the rolling stock to give it a try.

There are also two suggestions for limiting health insurance and health care costs, which are creating an increasing burden on the state’s employers and individuals:

  • Protect employers and consumers by enhancing Colorado’s protections against junk lawsuits.
    • Require plaintiffs in medical malpractice suits to demonstrate a bona fide medical and legal issue before a lawsuit can proceed to the cost-intensive trial phase.
  • Expand access to affordable health care choices by lifting restrictions on the purchase of health insurance across state lines

Prove that you have something really wrong, and don’t assume that bureaucrats in Colorado know more than bureaucrats everywhere else about what citizens need or want in insurance.  In 2009, HB09-1256, which would have done just that, was killed by the current legislative majority.  I’d add one thing more: a moratorium on new health insurance mandates without an analysis of how much they’ll cost consumers, and an analysis of how much existing mandates already add to our insurance bills.  My opponent voted to kill such a bill, HB10-1154, in the most recent session, showing a deep lack of understanding about the avaialbility of free lunches.

You can tie down an economy through a thousand little strings, like Gulliver at the hands of the Lilliputians, or you can find a way to free it by starting to cut those strings.  I think it’s clear which course is the more productive.

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House Republicans’ Platform – Jobs

One of my biggest concerns regarding the impending state House elections was that we, as a party, might end up running without much of a platform beyond, “We’re not them.”  Now, this year, “We’re not them” probably would be enough to get us the six seats we needed for the majority.  But it’s not really much of a governing mandate.  Had this happened, we’d have been running the risk of repeating the same mistake we’ve just lived through with the Democrats, who took a “We’re not Bush” vote to be a mandate to remake the country into Sweden, and are now looking at their worst electoral performance in generations.

You’ll note that I’m using the pluperfect subjunctive, which means that this didn’t happen.  Today, the House Republicans issued a four-part governance plan, dealing with Fiscal Issues, Jobs, the Economy, and PERA.  I’ll be rolling these out over the next couple of days, along with my own commentary on them.  Let’s start with the one that’s the most important to Coloradoans – Jobs

Everyone knows the numbers: we’ve lost 160,000 jobs since the beginning of 2008.  Our state unemployment rate hit 8% in 2010, double from three years earlier.  The only way we’re going to get those jobs back is to create incentives for business, and by growing the private sector.   There are no easy fixes here, but Colorado can make use of its world-class research facilities, and it can draw on its tremendously well-educated workforce.  There are also long-term strategies, and short-term jump-starts.

  • Incentivize large-scale business investment in manufacturing, aerospace and other high-wage sectors by revisiting the Business Personal Property Tax.

It’s important to do this this year, when the deficit is relatively low (“relatively,”  in this case, meaning a couple hundred million dollars), to give the jobs time to materialize, so that they’ll be around when the federal money disappears in 2011-2012.

  • Constructing and maintaining a cutting edge multi-modal transportation system is essential to a thriving economy. Policymakers must create an infrastructure strategy for the state, seeking lower cost solutions and opportunities for public-private partnerships.

Not such a big fan of “multi-modal,” as it usually means, “expensive, inflexible, under-used rail.”  But it could also mean, “flexible, privately-operated buses and cars.”   This could mean privately-operated toll roads, which have worked extremely well in other places.

  • Improve the state commitment to biotechnology and biosciences by building on a 2008 package that provided some $26 million assistance for Colorado start-up companies8 and research institutions seeking to commercialize new technology.
  • Work with Colorado’s universities in technology transfer opportunities, to create new Colorado jobs and companies. Identify reasonable solutions to obstacles which stop cooperation between academic research institutions and free enterprise.

I’d include “nano-tech,” which will change the world, in this list, but that’s a quibble.  Productizing this stuff is really the name of the game; it lowers costs, raises our standard of living, creates both fabrication and design jobs, meaning it can employ both skilled workers and PhDs.  It creates the potential to raise our exports from the state, which haven’t kept pace with those from other states.  In the best-case, it can turn Colorado into another Silicon Valley-type operation, assuming it can find and attract venture capital for these operations.

The co-location of research, industry, and capital is fundamental to truly inventive entrepreneurship, and while it won’t create large-scale employment tomorrow, it’s the kind of thing that will bring back the economy.  I’m delighted to see the prospective House leadership embracing it.

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Maes Endorsers Begin to Stampede?

On the heels of Hank Brown’s withdrawal of his endorsement yesterday, John Andrews issued this statement this morning:

This morning I called Dan Maes to withdraw my endorsement and urge him to end his candidacy, for the public good.  As a conscientious Republican who earlier voted for Dan, I cannot support a manifestly unfit nominee.  He has flunked his job interview with the people of Colorado in the weeks since Scott McInnis faded.  The party should cut Maes loose if he does not resign the nomination.  I intend to write in a vote for Jane Norton for Governor.

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